የቻይናው ሁጂያን ግሩፕ ፋብሪካዎቹን በጅማ ኢንዱስትሪ ፓርክ እንዲተከል ስምምነት ተፈረመ

የቻይናው ሁጂያን ግሩፕ በጅማ ኢንዱስትሪ ፓርክ ውስጥ በተለያዩ ዘርፎች የማምረቻ ፋብሪካዎቹን እንዲተክል የሚያስችል ስምምነት ዛሬ ተፈረመ።

በዛሬው እለት በኢትዮጵያ ኢንቨስትመንት ኮሚሽን አማካኝነት የኢንድስትሪ ፓርኮች ልማት ኮርፖሬሽን እና ሁጂያን ግሩፕ መካከል ነው ስምምነቱ የተፈረመው።

ስምምነቱን የኢንዱሰትሪ ፓርኮች ልማክ ኮርፖሬሽን ዋና ስራ አስፈፃሚ ወይዘሪት ሌሊሴ ነሜ እና የሁጂያን ግሩፕ ፕሬዚዳንት ዣንግ ሁዋሮንግ ናቸው የተፈራረሙት።

በዚህ ስምምነት መሰረትም ኩባንያው 100 ሚሊየን የአሜሪካ ዶላር በሚሆን ካፒታል በጅማ ኢንዱስትሪ ፓርክ ውስጥ ፋብሪካዎቹን ያለማል። ኩባንያው በፓርኩ ውስጥ የጫማ እና የግንባታ እቃዎች ማምረቻዎችን እንዲሁም፥ የቡና ማቀነባበሪያ ፋብሪካዎችን ይተክላል።

በተለይም የቡና ማቀነባበሪያ ፋብሪካው 40 ሄክታር በሚሆን መሬት ላይ እንደሚያርፍ ነው በፊርማ ስነ ስርዓቱ ላይ የተመለከተው። ፋብሪካዎቹ ወደ ስራ ሲገቡም ከ12 ሺህ በላይ ለሚሆኑ ዜጎች የስራ እድልን ይፈጥራል ተብሏል።

1 ነጥብ 5 ሚሊየን ካሬ ሜትር ላይ ያረፈው የጅማ ኢንዱስትሪ ፓርክ በ61 ሚሊየን የአሜሪካ ዶላር ወጪ ተገንብቶ ባለፈው ህዳር ወር ላይ ነበር የተመረቀው።

(ኤፍ.ቢ.ሲ)

የጌታቸው አሰፋ አፈጣጠር – ጌታቸው አሰፋ እስኪገኝ…

ዋናው ሰውዬ (አቶ መለስ) ሰሞኑን የደህንነትና የስለላ ኃላፊ በሞት ከተለየ (ከተወገደ) በኋላ ያንን ለሥልጣን መዋቅራቸው ምሰሶ የሆነውን ቦታ ለማንም አሳልፈው መስጠት እንደሌለባቸው አምነዋል። በተለይ ከቅርብ የትግል ጓዶቻቸው በተደጋጋሚ እየተሰነዘሩባቸው የሚመክቷቸው በሥልጣናቸው ሕልውና ላይ የሚቃጡ ሙከራዎች፣ በደህንነቱ ቢሮ በኩል ከመጣ መቋቋሙ ሊከብዳቸው እንደሚችልም ዋጋ እንደሚያስከፍላቸው ተገንዝበዋል። በዚያ ላይ የደህንነት ሹመኞችን እንዳይከዷቸው መለማመጡ፣ አንዳንዴም እሳቸው ከበድ ያለ ኦፕሬሽን እንዲካሄድ ፈልገው ቶሎ በመፈፀም ፈንታ “ይኼማ እንዴት ይሆናል” የሚሉ የሕግና የተገቢነት ጥያቄዎች መነሳታቸው ሲያበግናቸው ኖሯል።

ዋናው ሰውዬ ይህን ችግር ለመፍታት ለሁለት ሳምንታት ሙሉ ሲታገላቸው የከረመውን ሀሳብ አምጠው ወልደው መቋጫውን ስላገኙለት፣ የተጫጫናቸው የድካም ስሜት በአንዴ ሲለቃቸው ታወቃቸው። በሲጋራ ብዛት የጠቆረውን ከንፈራቸውን ፈልቀቅ፣ በጊዜ ዕጦት ጭፍርር ያለውን ጢማቸውን ገለጥ፣ አድርገው በበለዙ ጥርሶቻቸው ብቻቸውን ፈገግ አሉ። በሰሞኑ የቢሮ ውሏቸው፤ ሀሳባቸውን ለማቀጣጠል ያግዝ ይመስል በየ 30 ደቂቃዎቹ ሲያቦኑ የሰነበቱትን ሲጋራ፣ ለዕለቱ የመጨረሻቸው የሆነችዋን አንድ ፍሬ ኒያላ ከፓኳቸው አውጥተው በደስታ ስሜት እንደ ድል ችቦ ለኮሱ።

በደስታ ታጅበው ካሳለፉት ከስኬታማው ምሽታቸው በኋላ ወደ መኝታቸው ከማምራታቸው በፊት ስልካቸውን አነሱ። ከህወሓት አምስት፣ ከብአዴን ደግሞ ሶስት ቁልፍ ሰዎቻቸውን እና ሚስጥረኞቻቸውን መርጠው በጠዋት ጽ/ቤታቸው እንዲገኙ እንዲያደርጉ ለአቶ በረከት ጥብቅ መልዕክት አስተላለፉ። የተጠሩት ጓዶች ከአንድ ሳምንት በፊት ስለ ስብሰባው ርዕሰ ጉዳይ ፍንጭ በሚሰጣቸው መልኩ በሰውዬው ጽ/ቤት ለሌላ ጉዳይ በተገኙበት ወቅት ቀለል ያለ ገለፃ ተደርጎላቸው ነበር።

ሰውዬው በነጋታው ጠዋት ማልደው ከደረሱት ጓዶቻቸው ጋር ለምስጢራዊው ስብሰባ በጽ/ቤታቸው ተገኙ። ደስታቸውን ዋጥ ለማድረግ እየጣሩ ለመሆናቸው ሁኔታቸው እያሳበቀባቸው፣ በደህንነቱ ቢሮ አሰራር ዙሪያ አንድ ዕቅድ ስለመንደፋቸውና ሀሳባቸውን ለውይይት ለማቅረብ መሰናዳታቸውን ሲጋራቸውን የለኮሱበትን የክብሪት እንጨት ለማጥፋት እያወዛወዙ ገለፁ። ወዲያው ከወንበራቸው እመር ብለው ተነሱና…

“ጓዶች ባለፈው እንደተወያየነው የደህንነት ቢሮውን ሙሉ ኃላፊነት ለአንድ ሰው ብቻ አሳልፎ ማሸከም፣ በተደጋጋሚ እንዳየነው በተሰዉ ታጋይ ሰማዕታት ደም እጃችን የገባውን ሕገመንግሥታችንን እና ሕገመንግሥታዊ ሥርዓታችንን አደጋ ላይ መጣል ነው። በመሆኑም ሕገመንግሥታዊ ሥርዓታችንን ከፀረ ሠላም ኃይሎች መከላከል የሚችል ብቃትና ልማታችንን ለማስቀጠል ማገዝ የሚችል አቅም ያለው፣ ከበላይ አመራር የሚሰጠውን አቅጣጫ ለመቀበል የማያንገራግር አንድ ብቁ ግለሰብ ማግኘቱ ቀላል እንዳልሆነ ግንዛቤ ወስደናል።

ስለዚህ እዚህ የምንገኘው ጓዶች የደህንነት መ/ቤቱን በምስጢር እና በጋራ እንድንመራው ዕቅድ ተነድፎ መጨረሱን ሳሳውቃችሁ ኩራት እየተሰማኝ ነው። አያችሁ ይኼን ቢሮ በዚህ መልኩ በቁጥጥራችን ስር ካዋልነው ከአሁን በኋላ 30 እና አርባ አመታት በሥልጣን ላይ ለመቆየት የሚያስችለንን መደላድል አመቻቸን ማለት ነው። ዋናው ነገር ጉዳዩን በተለመደው ኢሕአዴጋዊ ታላቅ ምስጢር ጠባቂነታችን ይዘን መቀጠል እንዳለብን አለመዘንጋቱ ላይ ነው።” አሉ ኮስተር ብለው።

ሰውዬው የዕቅዳቸውን አፈፃፀም ማብራራቱን ቀጠሉ። “ምን መሰላችሁ የምናደርገው… ከተሰዉ ከቀድሞ የትግል ጓዶቻችን መካከል የአንዱን ስም እንመርጥና የደህንነት መሥሪያ ቤቱ ሹመት ለእዚያ ሰው መሰጠቱን እናፀድቃለን። በዚያ ሰው ስም የሚዘጋጅ ፊርማና ማኅተም ተጠቅመን የደህንነት ቢሮውን እኛው በጋራ እንመራዋለን ማለት ነው።” ብለው ገባችሁ? በሚል አተያይ ጓዶቻቸውን ተመለከቷቸው።

ንግግራቸውን ቀጠሉ “ለምሳሌ በብዙ ታጋዮች ዘንድ ይኑር ወይ ይሰዋ የማይታወቀውን የድሮ የትግል ጓዳችንና በትግል ወቅት ጥሩ የስለላ አመራር ተሰጥኦ የነበረውን የታጋይ ጌታቸው አሰፋን ስም መጠቀም እንችላለን። በዚያ ላይ “ጌታቸው አሰፋ” የሚባሉ ከአንድ በላይ ታጋዮች ስለነበሩ “ጌታቸው የቱ ነው?” የሚሉ ከሕዝቡም ሆነ ከአባሎቻችን ሳይቀር ለሚነሱ ጥያቄዎች ራሱን የቻለ አቅጣጫ ማሳቻ እንደሚሆንልን ግልፅ ነው።

“አቶ ጌታቸው አሰፋ” በእኔ ጠቋሚነትና ምልመላ ለመረጃና ደህንነት መ/ቤቱ ዋና ኃላፊነት መሾሙን በዜና እናስነግራለን። ቀጥለንም ስለ ጌታቸው የስለላ ብቃትና ጥንቁቅነት ያፈተለኩ የሚመስሉ የፈጠራ መረጃዎችን አልፎ አልፎ እየለቀቅን ሕዝቡን እናጥለቀልቀዋለን። ዋናው ነጥብ እዚህ ካለነው ውጭ ያሉ የድርጅታችን አመራሮች እንኳ ስለ “ጌታቸው አሰፋ” ትክክለኛ ማንነት በፍፁም፣ በምንም መንገድ ፍንጭ ማግኘት እንደሌለባቸው አለመዘንጋቱ ላይ ነው።

በመሆኑም የነገሩን ዱካ ለማጥፋት በየጊዜው የተለያዩ ዘዴዎችን ልንጠቀም እንይላለን። ለምሳሌ “ጌታቸው አሰፋ” የመራው ስብሰባ መሳተፋችንን ልናስወራ እንችላለን። በህወሐት ማዕከላዊ ኮሜቴ ውስጥም መመረጡን መረጃ ልንለቅ እንችላለን። ሁሉም ካድሬዎቻችንና አመራሮቻችን ከቢሮው ጋር እንጂ ከኃላፊው ጋር የግድ በአካል መገናኘት ስለማያስፈልጋቸው አለቃቸውን አለማየታቸው፣ ከብቃቱና ከጠንቃቃነቱ የመነጨ እንደሆነ ሊያሳምናቸው ይችላል” አሉና የተጋመሰችውን ሲጋራቸውን አንድ ዓይናቸውን ጨፈን አድርገው፤ በአንድ ትንፋሽ እስኪቂጧ ድረስ መጠው ሳቧትና መተርኮሻ ላይ ደምድመው አጠፏት።

ተሰብሳቢዎቹ ሁሉ በግራ መጋባት ስሜት ዐይናቸው ፈጠጠ፣ እርስ በርስ ተያዩ። ደንገርገር አላቸው። ብዙም ባልገባቸው ጉዳይ ከብአዴኖቹ አንዱ ጓድ ፈጠን ብለው ነጥብ ለማስቆጠር የሚረዳ ንግግር አደረጉ። “ይኼን ቦታ ከመለስ በቀር ሊመራው የሚችል ሰው አልተፈጠረም፣ ብዬ ገና ድ…ሮ ተናግሬ ነበር። ያንን ለማድረግም እሱ ካሰበበት መላ አያጣም ብዬ ለበረከት አውርቼዋለው። ይኸው ያልኩት ሁሉ ሲሆን እያየሁ በመሆኑ ደስተኛ ነኝ።” አሉና ኩራታቸውን ገለፁ።

የብአዴኑ ዋና ሰው ወዲ ስምኦን ደግሞ ፌዝ በተሞላበት ፈገግታ ታጅበው አጨበጨቡ። በሴራ ብቃታቸው የተመሰከረላቸው የስምኦን ልጅ በዚያው ሰሞን ስለዕቅዱ ከሰውዬው ጋር በድብቅ እየተገናኙ ሁለት፣ ሶስቴ ገንቢ በሆነ መልኩ ተወያይተውም ነበር። ዛሬ ጉዳዩን ሰውዬው በብቸኝነት ይምሩት እንጂ የሴራውንም ዋና ክፍል አብረው አቡክተው አብረው ነበር የጋገሩት።

ዋናው ሰውዬ ገለፃቸውን በመቀጠል “በደህንነቱ መ/ቤት በኩል መፈፀም የሚያስፈልጉ ጉዳዮች ሲገጥሙን፣ መወሰድ ስላለባቸው ርምጃዎችና ኦፕሬሽኖች እዚህ የምንገኘው ጓዶች በዴሞክራሲያዊ መንገድ በድምፅ ብልጫ እንወስናለን። በአስቸኳይ ጉዳዮች ላይ ደግሞ እኔ ውሳኔዎችን አሳልፋለሁ። ስለዚህ “ጌታቸው አሰፋ” የሚባለው ሰው በዚህ ሰአት በዚህች ጽ/ቤት የተገኘነው ነባር ታጋዮችና አመራሮች በአንድ ላይ ለራሳችን እና ለትግላችን የሰየምነው የቃል ኪዳናችን ሰነድ መጠሪያ ነው። ሁላችንም ጌታቸው አሰፋዎች ነን።” አሉና በስሱ ፈገግ አሉ።

በጥቅሉ ዋናውን የመረጃና ደህንነት ሥራውን የመምራት ሙሉ ኃላፊነቱን እሳቸው እንደሚወስዱና እንደሚመሩት አስገነዘቡ። ወዲያው ከባድ ፀጥታ ሰፈነ። እንደ ዕውነቱ ከሆነ ዋናው ሰውዬ ሁላችንንም ዕኩል “ጌታቸው አሰፋዎች” ነን ቢሉም፣ እሳቸው የበለጠ “ጌታቸው አሰፋ” መሆናቸው እንደማይቀር ተሰብሳቢዎቹ ሁሉ ያውቁ ነበር።

በቢሮዋ ውስጥ ከፍርሃት በመነጨ የሰፈነው ፀጥታ፣ የተሰብሳቢዎቹን የልብ ምትና በስብ ከተጨናነቀው ሆድ ዕቃቸው የሚወጣውን የትንፋሻቸውን ሲርሲርታ አግንኖ ያስደምጥ ነበር። ከአንድ አስር ሰከንዶች ረጭታ በኋላ ጥያቄዎችና ሥጋቶች መዥጎድጎድ ጀመሩ። ዋናው ሰውዬ አንድ ሀሳብ ካነሱ ከማስፈፀም እንደማይመለሱ የሚያውቁ ጓዶቻቸው፣ ሀሳባቸውን ተቃርነው ጥርስ ከመግባት ይልቅ፣ ይበልጥ የሚጠነክሩባቸውን መላዎችና ያልታዩባቸው ክፍተቶች ካሉ ለማጎልበት የሚረዱ ሀሳቦችን ይሰነዝሩ ጀመር። የሁሉንም ተስፋ፣ ሥጋትና የማጎልበቻ ሀሳቦች ከተንሸራሸሩ በኋላ ዋናው ሰውዬ ማብራሪያቸውን ቀጠሉ።

“ሁሉም ሥራ በጸሐፊዋና በምክትል የቢሮው ኃላፊ በኩል እንዲሳለጥ ይደረጋል። ሆኖም ግን ጸሐፊዋም ሆኑ ምክትሉ የደህንነት ኃላፊ ከአለቃቸው “ጌታቸው አሰፋ” ጋር በአካል እንደማያገኙት ገና ወደ ቢሮው ሲመጡ ጀምሮ እንዲያውቁት ይደረጋል። አስፈላጊ የመልዕክት ልውውጦችን እኔ ወይም በረከት እየደወልን በፋክስና በስልክ እንመራለን፣ እናስፈፅማለን።

ሌላው ድምፅ ማጎርነንና መቀየር የሚችል መሳሪያ በቢሮ ስልኬ ላይ አስገጥሜ ጨርሻለሁ። ስለዚህ አንዳንዴ በስልክ ማናገር አስፈላጊ በሆኑ ጉዳዮች እኔ ራሴ ጌታቸው አሰፋ መሆኔን ገልጬ ትዕዛዝ እሰጣለሁ። የእኔ የቢሮ ስልክ ቁጥሩ ስለማይወጣና ስለማይጠለፍ በዚህ በኩል ሥጋት አይገባንም። ድምፅ መቀየሪያው ማሽን አንዴ ቋሚ ኮድ ከተሰጠው በኋላ ምንም ዓይነት ሰው ከወዲህ ቢናገር ከወዲያ በኩል የሚያስደምጠው ድምፅ ሁሌም አንድ ዓይነት ነው። ስለዚህ እኔም ሆንኩኝ አዜብ በዚህ ቁጥር ብናወራ ለአድማጩ የሚደርሰው አንድ ዓይነት ድምፅ ነው።

ይህን ቴክኖሎጂ ከሰሞኑ ለበረከትም ቢሮው ውስጥ ይገጠምለታል። ከእኔ ጋር እየተነጋገርን አስፈላጊ በሆኑባቸው ጊዜያት በረከትም፣ ጌታቸው አሰፋነቱን ይጠቀምበታል ማለት ነው።” እያሉ ስለ ረቂቁ ሴራቸው ማብራራያቸውን ቀጠሉ። ሰውዬው ማብራሪያቸውን በሰከነ አነጋገርና በአፅዕኖት ቀጠሉ። “አንዳንዴ የመረጃ እና ደህንነት ኃላፊው በውጭም ይሁን በሀገር ውስጥ በአካል የግድ መገኘት በሚያስፈልግባቸው ቦታዎች አንድ ዘዴ መጠቀም እንደሚቻልም አስረዱ። ለምሳሌ በውጭ ሀገራት “አቶ ጌታቸው” መገኘት አለበት ተብሎ ከታመነ፣ ሚሽኑን ለሚወስደው የደህንነት ባለሙያ ፓስፖርትም ሆነ አስፈላጊ ሰነዶች በ”ጌታቸው አሰፋ” ስም ይዘጋጅለታል።

ያንን ኃላፊነት የሚወጣውን ሰው መምረጡና ማዘጋጀቱ የቅርብ አለቃው ስራ ይሆናል። ‘አለቃህን ሆነህ እዚህ ቦታ ትገኛለህ’ ተብሎ ሚሽን የሚሰጠው የስር የደህንነት ባለሙያ ትኩረቱ ኃላፊነቱን መወጣቱ ላይ እንጂ ለምን ብሎ አይጠይቅም። ሙያውም የታዘዘውን እንዲፈፅም ብቻ ነው የሚያዘው። በዚህ መንገድ አንድ የደህንነት ሰው በቢሮ ዕውቅናና ድጋፍ ሚሽን እስከተሰጠው ድረስ “ጌታቸው አሰፋ” ነኝ ካለ ማንም ሰው አይደለህም ብሎ ሊከራከር አይችልም።

ሌላው ሚሽኑን የሚወስዱ የደህንነት ሠራተኞች በምንም መልኩ በሚዲያ የሚተላለፍ ዝግጅት ላይ እንዲገኙ፣ ፎቶ እንዲነሱ፣ ምስላቸው በካሜራ እንዲቀረፁና ቃለ መጠይቅ ላይ እንዲሳተፉ አይደረግም። በዚህ ሁኔታ በአንድ ቀንና ሰአት ውስጥ ጌታቸው አሰፋ አዲሳባም፣ መቀሌም ሆነ ሳውዲ ዓረቢያ እንዲገኝ ማድረግ እንችላለን። ሰዎችም በአንድ ሰአት ጊዜ ውስጥ በተለያየ ቦታ ማየታቸውን እየተማማሉ እንዲከራከሩና ሰውዬውን ወደ መንፈስነት የተጠጋ ስለመሆኑ እንዲያወሩ ማድረግ እንችላለን። ሃሃሃ

የፖለቲካ ሥልጣን ዘላለማዊ አይደለም። አንድ ቀን ከቁጥጥራችን ውጭ ሆኖ ከእጃችን ሊወጣ ይችላል። ኢሕአዴግ ብዙ የጥፋት ኃይል የሆኑ ጠላቶች አሉት። በዚህም የተነሳ ከበድ እና ረቀቅ ያሉ ምርምራዎችንና የስለላ ስልቶችን መከተል ይጠበቅብናል። በዚህ ሂደት ውስጥ ደግሞ ተቃዋሚዎችም ሆኑ የመብት ተሟጋች ነን ባይ የሆኑት ነጮቹ በወንጀል ድርጊት ሊጠይቁን መነሳሳታቸው አይቀርም።

አያችሁ የጠበቀ ነገር የገጠመን ጊዜ አቶ “ጌታቸው አሰፋ” ወዳልታወቀ ሀገር ኮበለለ ብለን እናስወራለን። አብረን እናፋልጋለን። በዚህም ለሕገመንግሥታችን መከበርና ለድርጅታችን ሕልውና ሲባል ለሚወሰዱ ርምጃዎች እንደ አመራር የሚጠይቀን አካል አይኖርም። ሁሉም ነገር ከጌታቸው አሰፋ መጥፋት ጋር ይቀበራል” ብለው ለአጭር እረፍት በፈጣን ርምጃ ወደ ውጭ አመሩ።

 By Samson Getachew T S (ይህ ጽሑፍ ልብወለድ ነው)

ግንቦት 19 ቀን፣ 1993 ዓ.ም…

የሽመልስ አብዲሳ መልዕክት …

የተወደዳችሁ የሲዳማ ሕዝብ ከሁሉ አስቀድሜ እንኳን ለሲዳማ ሕዝብ የዘመን መለወጫ ለፊቼ ጫምባላላ በዓል አደረሳችሁ -እንኳን አብሮ አደረሰን ለማለት እወዳለሁ፡፡

ክቡራትና ክቡራን!!

የሲዳማ ሕዝብ የራሱ የሆነ የዘመን አቆጣጠር ቀመር፣ “ወንሾ አምቦን” የመሰሉ የእርቅና የሽምግልና ስርዓት “ሉዋን” የመሰሉ ዴሞክራሲያዊ የስልጣን ሽግግር ስርዓት እና ሌሎች የበርካታ ባህላዊ እሴቶች ባለቤት የሆነ በርካታ ተፈጥሯዊና ሰው ሰራሽ የቱሪስት መስህቦች በዙሪያው አቅፎ የያዘ ሕዝብ ነው፡፡

የሲዳማዎች የዘመን መለዋጫ ፍቼ ጫምባላላ ዘመን ከዘመን የሚለዋወጥበት ዕለት ብቻ ሳይሆን ፋይዳው ብዙ የሆነ ታላቅ ቀን ነው፡፡ ፍቼ ጫምባላላ ጉዱማሌ ላይ መገናኛ፣ መተጫጫ፣ መመራረቂያ፣መተሳሰቢያ፣የወደፊት ተስፋ መሰነቂያ፣ ከአንደበት ክፉ ቃል የማይወጣበት ፣እንስሳቱ ሳይቀር ከሰው እኩል የሚከበሩበት ፣እንግዳ የሚከበርበት፣ ትውድል የሚዘከርበት፣ለሀገር የሚበጀው ሁሉ የሚከወንበት ታላቅ በዓል ነው፡፡ በድጋሜ በእኔ እና በመላው የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ስም እንኳን ለዚህ ታላቅ በዓል አደረሳችሁ- አደረሰን ለማለት እወዳለሁ፡፡

ሁላችሁም እንደምታውቁት የሲዳማ እና የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ በመልካ- ምድራዊ አቀማምጥ ብቻ ሳይሆን በጋራ የአብሮነት ታሪክ፣ ዘመናትን በተሻገሩ ማህበራዊ፣ስነልቦናዊ እና ኢኮኖሚያዊ ትስስሮች ያሏቸው የተዋለዱ፣በፍቅር የተጋመዱ በተለያየ ቦታ የሚኖሩ-ግን ተነጣጥለው የማይታዩ ፤ አንዱ ከሌላው ጋር በዕለት ተዕለት እንቅስቃሴ ተዋደው- ፈቅደው ብሎም ተከባብረው በቋንቋ ተግባብተውና መስተጋብር ፈጥረው ለዚህ የደረሱ ጠንካራ መሰረት ላይ የቆመ አንድነት ያላቸው ሕዝቦች ናቸው፡፡

የሲዳማ እና የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ለመከፋፈል ግፋ ሲልም በወሰን አካባቢዎች ግጭት በማስነሳት እና ጦር በማማዘዝ በሁለቱ ሕዝቦች ልብ ውስጥ ቅራኔ ለማኖር ሲሰራ የኖረውን ሴራ በተባበረ ክንድ በማክሸፍ፣ግጭቶቹን በማብረድ፣ቅራኔዎችን በሽምግልና በመፍታት እንደታሰበው ሳንለያይ እጅ ለእጅ ተያይዘን በፍቅር በመቀጠል ከታሰበለን በላይ የምናስብ ሕዝቦች መሆናችንን በተግባር አሳይተናል፡፡ ይሄም ተጠናክሮ ሊቀጥል ይገባዋል፡፡

በዛሬው ዕለት የምናከብረው የፍቼ ጫምባላላ በዓል ከሀገራችን አልፎ የዓለም ሀብት ለመሆን ችሏል፡፡ ሁላችሁም እንደምታስታውሱት ፍቼ ጫምባላላ በዩኒስኮ የማይዳሰሱ የዓለማችን ቅርሶች አንዱ ሆኖ እንዲመዘገብ የሲዲማ ሕዝብ እና ከሲዳማ ሕዝብ የወጡ አመራሮች ብቻ ሳይሆኑ መላው ኢትዮጵያዊ ከዳር ዳር በነቂስ ተንቀሳቀሷል፡፡ ከዚህም አንዱ ሕዝብ የአንዱን እሴት አምኖ ተቀብሎ እና ተደምሮ፣ በአንድነት ሲንቀሳቀስ ምን ያህል ውጤት ማምጣት..የቱን ያህል ፍሬ ማፍራት እንደሚችል ተመረንበታናል፡፡

የ ፍቼ ጫምበላላ ባለው ታሪካዊ ባሕላዊና ድንቅ ይዘቱ አገራችንን ወክሎ የአለማችን ቅርስ እንዲሆን ሁሉንም ኢትዮጵያዊ በጋራ በመደመር እና ሁሉም ኢትዮጵያዊ ዜጋ በጋራ ተደምሮ የሚያከብረው በዓል እና የኢትዮጵያዊያን የጋራ ሕብረት የአሸናፊነት ምልክት ጭምር ነው፡፡ ሁላችንም ስንተባበር እናሸንፋለን፡፡

በአንድ ላይ ስንቆም እናተርፋለን፡፡ በጋራ ስንታይ እንደምቃለን፡፡ ያለፈውን በይቅርታ ዘግተን መጪውን በፍቅር ስንሻገር ደግሞ ለትውልድ ቂምና ጥላቻን ባለማውረስ ታላቅ ገድልን እንፈጽማለን ማለት ነው፡፡

በሲዳማ ባሕል መሠረት በፍቼ ጫምበላላ በዓል በመጀመሪያው ዕለት የሚከበረዉ የፍቼ ስነስርዓት ሁሉም በየቤቱ በሀሴት ተሞልቶ ቡርሳሜ እና ሻፈታ እየበላና እየጠጣ ብሎም በዚህ ልዩ ቀን ባለፈው በአሮጌው ዓመት የተጣላ ሰው ይቅር ተባብሎ በመታረቅ ቂምን አስወግዶ በጋራ በአዲስ መንፈስ አዲሱን ዓመት በመናፈቅ ነው፡፡ የሲዳማዎች የዘመን መለዋጫ ፍቼ ጫምባላላ በዓል አሃዱ ብሎ የሚጀምረው በይቅርታ እና ዕርቅ መሆኑ ሲዳማዎች ለይቅርታ፣ ለእርቅ፣ ለፍቅር እና ለሰላም የሚሰጡትን ከፍተኛ ቦታ የሚያሳይ ነው፡፡ ይህም እንደ ሀገር ለተጀመረው “በፍቅር እንደመር፣ በይቅርታ እንሻገር” ጉልበት ሆኖ የሚያገለግል ታላቅ ጉልበት ነው፡፡ ይህን የይቅርታ እና የዕርቅ ትዊፊት በቀን እና በአካባቢ ሳንወስንው ከሌሎች ሕዝቦች ጋርም በመጋራትም ፣በማጋራትም ለሀገር በሚበጅ መልኩ ልንጠቀምበት ይገባል፡፡

በቀጣይም ከራሳችን ነባር ዕውቀቶች ት/ት በመቅሰምም በሚያለያዩን.’.ማነህ ? ..ወዴት ነህ ?’ከሚያባብሉን ጉዳዮች ወጥተን እንደ ፍቼ ጫምባላል አንድነታችን በሚያጠናክሩ፣ አብሮነታችን በሚያስተሳስሩ ፣ከዞን፣ከክልልእና ከሀገር አልፈው በዓለም አደባባይ ስሞቻችንን በሚያስጠሩን የማንነት መገለጫዎቻችን፣ ዕሴቶቻችንና ባህላዊ መሰረቶቻችን ላይ ወገባችንን አሰርን በተባበረ ክንድ በመስራት አዲሲቷን ኢትዮጵያ ዕውን እናደርግ ዘንድ ጥሬየን አቀርባለሁ፡፡አይዴ ጫምባላላ!!አመሰግናለሁ፡፡

ሽመልስ አብዲሳ

የኦሮምያ ብ/ክ/መ ምክትል/ ር/ መስተዳድ ር

አብይ አህመድ በምዕራብ ጉጂ ዞን ወደ መኖሪያ ቀያቸው የተመለሱ ተፈናቃዮችን ጎበኙ

 የኢፌዴሪ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዶክተር አብይ አህመድ በምዕራብ ጉጂ ዞን ቀርጫ ወረዳ ወደ መኖሪያ ቀያቸው የተመለሱ ተፈናቃዮችን ጎበኙ።

በዞኑ ቀርቻ ወረዳ ጉራቹ ጀልዱ ቀበሌ በተለያዩ ግጭቶች ተፈናቅለው የነበሩ ከ3 ሺህ በላይ ነዋሪዎች ወደ መኖሪያቸው ተመልሰዋል። ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ከምዕራብ ጉጂ ዞን ቀርቻ ወረዳ ጉራቹ ጀልዱ ቀበሌ ተፈናቅለው በጌዲኦ ዞን ገደብ ወረዳ ተጠልለው የነበሩት እና አሁን ወደ ቀድሞ ቀያቸው የተመለሱትን እነዚህን ተፋናቃዮች በጉብኝቱ ወቅት አነጋግረዋል።

ዜጎቹ አሁን ላይ ከበፈቱ የተሻለ ሰላም መኖሩን በማንሳት፥ ይህንን ሰላም አስተማማኝ በማድረጉ ረገድ መንግስት እንዲሰራ ጠይቀዋል። መልሶ ለማቋቋም እየቀረበ ያለውም ድጋፍ በቂ አለመሆኑን ያነሱት ተመላሾቹ፥ ክረምት እየገባ በመሆኑ ወደ አርሻ ስራ መመለስ እንዲችሉ ድጋፍ እንዲደረግላቸውም በጉብኝቱ ወቅት ጥያቄ አንስተዋል።

ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዶክተር አብይ በበኩላቸው መንግስት በቻለው መጠን ሁሉ ድጋፍ እንደሚያደርግ ቃል የገቡ ሲሆን፥ የዘርና የምርጥ ዘር እንዲቀረብ ይደረጋልም ብለዋል።

ጉጂ እና ጌዲኦ ለዘመናት አብሮ የኖሩ ህዝቦች መሆናቸውን በማንሳትም ለሰላም ሁሉም ከመወቃቀስ ወጥቶ በጋራ እንዲሰራ ጥሪ አቅርበዋል።

ከጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዶክተር አብይ አህመድ ጋር የኦሮሚያ ክልል ምክትል ርእሰ መስትዳድር አቶ ሽመልስ አብዲሳ፣ የደቡብ ክልል ርእሰ መስተዳደር አቶ ሚሊዮን ማቲዮስ እና የሰላም ሚኒስትር ወይዘሮ ሙፈሪያት ካሚል ጎብኝተዋል። የልዑካን ቡድኑ ቤቶችን መልሶ ለመገንባት የሚረዳ የግንባታ ዕቃዎችንም ለማኅበረሰቡ አባላት ለግሷል።

በሰላማዊት ካሳና አዳነች አበበ

 (ኤፍ.ቢ.ሲ)

ህወሓት ወደ ስልጣን ለመመለስ የሎቢ ሥራውን ዳግም ጀምሯል- አንጋፋ ዲፕሎማት “ጆሮ ያለው ይስማ” ሲሉ ምክር ለገሱ

በኢትዮጵያ ከፖለቲካው ቀውስ በማያንስ መጠን የኢኮኖሚው መላሸቅ፣ የሥራአጥነትና ድህነት የሚያስከትሉት አደጋ አሳሳቢና አደገኛ ሊሆን እንደሚችል ተጠቆመ። የለውጡ ኃይሎች ለውጡን በሚያደናቅፉ ላይ ፈጥነው እርምጃ አለመውሰዳቸው ስህተት መሆኑ ተነገረ።የጎልጉል ታማኝ የአሜሪካ ዲፕሎማቲክ ምንጭ እንዳሉት ኢትዮጵያን ከለውጡ በኋላ አላላውስ ያላት ችግር የኢኮኖሚው ጣጣ ነው።

ላለፉት ሃያ ሰባት ዓመታት ሲቀነቀን የነበረው የኢኮኖሚ መርህ የተነሳ ዜጎች ለሥራአጥነት ተዳርገዋል፤ የሥራአጡ ቁጥርም ከሚገመተውና በይፋ ከሚነገረው እጅግ የበለጠ ነው። በአሁን ወቅት የመንጋ፣ ቡድን፣ ጥርቅም የሚባሉት አካሎች ይኸው ድህነቱ የፈጠራቸው ክፍሎች እንጂ ሌላ እንዳልሆኑ የኢትዮጵያን ጉዳይ በቅርበት የሚከታተሉት ዲፕሎማት አመልክተዋል። የመንደርና የጎጥ ፖለቲካውም የራሱን ጫና ማሳደሩን ዲፕሎማቱ አይክዱም።

ችግሩን ይባስ ያወሳሰበው ደግሞ ይህንን ኃይል ገንዘብ ያላቸው ክፍሎች እንዳሻቸው መጠቀም መቻላቸው ነው። የለውጡ ኃይሎች ወደ ሥልጣን እንደመጡ ወዲያውኑ ሊወስዱ የሚገባቸውን እርምጃዎች ባለመውሰዳቸው “ፌዴራል መንግሥት አይነካንም፤ አያዘንም” የሚሉ ጡንቸኛ አካላት እንዲፈጠሩ አድርጓል።

ባለፉት ሃያ ሰባት ዓመታት አገሪቱን ሲመሩ የነበሩ አካላት በቁጥጥር ሥር ወዲያውኑ አለመዋላቸው በሽሽት ከተደበቁበት ሆነው የቀድሞውን ሰንሰለታቸውን በተዋረድ እንዲጠቀሙበትና ተመልሰው ጡንቻቸውን እንዲያፈረጥሙ እንዳደረጋቸው ዲፕሎማቱ አስረድተዋል። የሚገርመው ይህንን አካሄድ የሚረዱ ዜጎች አገራቸውን ለመታደግ አሁን ድረስ ምን ማድረግ እንዳለባቸው በውል ያወቁ አይመስሉም። ከዚያ ይልቅ የለውጡ ነቃፊዎችና ተቃዋሚዎች በስልትና በረቀቀ ጥበብ የሚነዛውን የሃሰት ፕሮፓጋንዳ እንደ እውነተኛ መረጃ በመቁጠር በመንግሥት ላይ የማያቋርጥ ነቀፋ በየሚዲያው ሲሰጡ መታየታቸው ሕዝቡን ክፉኛ እያደናገረው ይገኛል።
ከለውጡ በፊት በተደጋጋሚ በእነ ዲ.ኤል.ኤ. ፓይፐር ዓይነት በሎቢ አድራጊዎቻቸው (ወትዋቾቻቸው) አማካይነት ዕድሜ ለማራዘም በተደጋጋሚ አሜሪካንን ሲወተውቱ የነበሩት የህወሓት ሰዎች አሁንም እስከ ሶስት ሚሊዮን ዶላር የሚጠጋ ክፍያ በመመደብ ዘመቻ ላይ መሠማራታቸውን ዲፕሎማቱን የጠቀሰው የመረጃው ባለቤት አስታውቋል። በተቃራኒው “ሌሎች እርስ በርስ ይተራመሳሉ፤ አገር በማተራመስም የጥፋት ተልዕኳቸውን ይወጣሉ፤ ብዙዎችም መንግሥትንና የለውጡን ኃይል በጭፍን በመተቸት አገር ያፈርሳሉ” ሲልም የዲፕሎማቱን ንግግር ቃል በቃል በመጥቀስ ያክላል።
የፌደራሉ መንግሥት ትርምሱንና በየቀኑ በረቀቀ ስልት የሚነዙትን የሃሰትና የጥላቻ መረጃዎችን ተከትሎ በሚፈጠሩ አደጋዎች ተወጥሮ ሌሎች ሥራዎችን እንዳይሰራ ጤና መንሳትን ዋናው ዓላማው ያደረገ በበጀት የተደገፈ እንቅስቃሴ እንደሚደረግ ለጎልጉል የደረሰው መረጃ ይጠቁማል።ለውጡ እየመሩ ያሉት ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አገሪቱን አንድ አድርጎ መምራት እንደተሳናቸው ተደርጎ በረቀቀ ስልት ከሚፈጠሩ ቀውሶች ጋር በማቀነባበርና ኢትዮጵያ በቀውስ ውስጥ ነች በማለት የምዕራቡን ዓለም በተለይም አሜሪካንን ለማሳመን መጣር የውትወታው (የሎቢው ሥራ) ቀዳሚ አጀንዳ መሆኑን ዲፕሎማቱ ይናገራሉ።
ይህንንም በማሳየት ዳግም ወደቀድሞው የአገሪቱ አመራር ለመመለስ ህወሓት እየሠራ መሆኑንን ያመለከቱት እኚሁ ከፍተኛ ዲፕሎማት “ሌሎች ወገኖች እንዲህ ያለውን አካሄድ ተረድተው እርምጃቸውን አለማስተካከላቸው በግል ያስገርመኛል” ሲሉ ተችተዋል።በኤርትራ መፈንቅለ መንግሥት እንዲሆን ወይም በማንኛውም መልኩ በኤርትራ ለውጥ እንዲደረግ ሌት ተቀን የሚሰራው ህወሓት፣ የቅርብ ጊዜ ሙከራው ቢከሽፍም አሁንም በኢትዮጵያ የተከሰተው ዓይነት አፋጣኝ የፖለቲካ ለውጥ በኤርትራ ካልታየ ህወሓት ወደ ቀድሞ ስፍራው ለመለስ ያሉትን አማራጮች ሁሉ እየተጠቀመ መሆኑን ያመከቱት እኚሁ አንጋፋ ዲፕሎማት፣ “ጆሮ ያለው ይስማ” ሲሉ ምክር መሰንዘራቸውን ምንጩ አስረድቷል።
የዋጋ ንረት፣ ሥራአጥነትና ድህነቱ ከሚደረጉት ሽረባዎች ጋር ተዳምሮ ከቁጥጥር ሥር ሊወጣ ይችላል በሚል ስጋት መኖሩን ዲፕሎማቱ አልሸሸጉም። በዚህ መልኩ የሚፈጠረው ቀውስ ደግሞ መያዣና መጨበጫ ስለማይኖረው አሁን አንዳንድ ቦታዎች ላይ የሚሰሙት የወሮበላነት አዝማሚያ ያላቸው እንቅስቃሴዎች ይስፋፋሉ። እናም ዜጎች አገራቸውን ለማዳን ለውጡን እንዴት መጠበቅ እንዳለባቸው መረዳትና ለውጡ መደገፍ ይኖርባቸዋል። ይህን ማድረግ ካልቻሉ የችግሩ ፈጣሪዎች አጋዥና ረዳት ከመሆን እንደማያልፉም አመልክተዋል።ለጎልጉል መረጃ የሰጡት ክፍሎች እንዳሉት አንጋፋው ዲፕሎማት ባላቸው መስመር አማካይነት ምን መደረግ እንዳለበትና ለውጡ አሁን የተጋረጡበትን ችግሮች በአሸናፊነት እንዲወታ በምን መልኩ መደገፍ እንዳለበት ለሚመለከታቸው ሃላፊዎች ምክር እንደሰጡና ወደፊትም እንደሚሰጡ ገልጸዋል።
ነጻነት የሚመኙ ዜጎች ነጻነታቸውን በሰላም ማጣጣም ካልቻሉ፣ ሥጋት ላይ ይወድቃሉ። ሥጋት ሲበዛ ዜጎች ከነጻነት ይቅል ቅድሚያ ሰላማቸው እንዲጠበቅ ይመኛሉ። ይህንን ሃቅ አምባገነኖች ስለሚረዱ ሕዝብ ሰላም እንዳይሰማው ሁሉንም ዓይነት ጉድጓድ ይቆፍራሉ። ዜጎች ሥጋት እንዲሰማቸው ሃብታቸውን ያፈሳሉ። እናም ሰላም ከሌለው ነጻነት ይልቅ፣ ሰላም ያለውን አፈና እንዲመርጡ ይገደዳሉ። በዚህ ስሌት ለውጡ ከመጣ ጀምሮ ሰፊ ዘመቻ ሲካሄድ እንደነበር፣ ከለውጡ እውን ሊሆን ባለበት ጊዜም ቢሆን ለውጡ ከተካሄደና “እነርሱ” ከሥልጣን ከተነሱ አገሪቱ እንደምትፈርስ በማስጠንቀቅ በተደጋጋሚ የህወሓት ቁንጮዎች ዘመቻ ሲያካሂዱ እንደንነበር ጎልጉል መዘገቡ አይዘነጋም።
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69 Ethiopians arrested over suspected roles in deadly ethnic violence

Ethiopian security forces have arrested 69 people for their roles in recent ethnic violence in western Ethiopia, state media outlet Amhara Mass Media Agency (AMMA) reported on Friday.

AMMA reported among the 69 suspects arrested are eight government officials, with investigations continuing to identify other government officials suspected of involvement in recent ethnic violence.

AMMA further reported the Ethiopia Ministry of Peace (MoP) is working with officials from Benishangul and Amhara regional states to arrest other remaining suspects in the recent ethnic violence.

Ethnic violence along the border areas of Ethiopia’s Benishangul Gumuz and Amhara regional state which started in April and continued to early May left dozens of people dead and tens of thousands displaced.

The ethnic violence which centered in Dangur locality, Metekel zone of Benishangul Gumuz regional state and neighboring Jawi zone of Amhara regional state involved members of the Gumuz and the Amhara ethnic groups.

Ethiopia follows an ethnic federalism model, which has been credited with giving self-governance rights to the more than 80 ethnic groups that make Ethiopia’s estimated 105 million plus population.

However, critics claim that the ethnic federalism model magnifies ethnic diversity at the expense of national unity, leading to occasional deadly ethnic clashes.

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Political shake-up and localism can edge Ethiopia forwards

To end paralysis, the political landscape needs restructuring: resurgent grassroots democracy must smother elitism, starting with local elections.

Student Movement activist Wallelign Mekonnen.
Student Movement activist Wallelign Mekonnen.

It is crystal clear that the still burning question in Ethiopia is over horizontal ties between “nations, nationalities and peoples” and their vertical relationship with the federal government. In other words, it is still the “question of nationalities”, as it has been since student movement activist Wallelign Mekonnen put pen to paper in 1969.

Berhanu Nega’s liberals occupy one pole. Seven parties have merged to form the Ethiopian Citizens Party for Social Justice (In Amharic, Ezema). It advocates “citizen-based politics”. It if could rewrite the constitution, it would open with “We the people”, and not “We the nations, nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia”. The demarcation of regional states would be on a geographical and not an ethnic basis, and the central power strong.

Opposing this are hardline ethnic federalists who want a loose union of quasi-sovereign states, or full autonomy for ethnic regions. Its most radical proponents believe in “consociationalist” federalism, in which states are equally represented, regardless of their population sizes – as occurs now in the EPRDF; to Tigray’s benefit because it has only six percent of the population. In this system, central key decisions are only taken if there is consensus, which gives each state a veto. There are strong ethno-national parties in Tigray, Somali, Oromia, and, most recently, Amhara.

The official stand of the parties ruling the most populous regions, and whose alliance brought Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to power, positions them in the middle of this spectrum. One of the main obstacles to the Amhara Democratic Party (ADP) and Oromo Democratic Party (ODP) effectively leading at the national and regional level is the tension between them. But there’s also their heterogeneity: chunks of their leadership and membership have more ideological affinity with the National Movement of Amhara (NaMA) and Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). Rank and file as well as party cadres have de facto joined these groups, meaning there’s minimal ruling party control of swathes of Oromia and Amhara.

The paralysis of EPRDF, and consequent power vacuum and troubled transition, are not only due to the friction between its component parts but also, and perhaps primarily, down to the rifts inside three of them (TPLF seems more cohesive, at least for now). To overcome the crisis, the political landscape must be reconstructed to cover this new spectrum.

Restructuring and reordering

The EPRDF as we know it is probably beyond repair. As Somali Region President Mustafa Omer rightly said, “the way to go forward would be to transform EPRDF from a Front into one party”; thus, a national de-ethnicized party, which Abiy Ahmed would obviously lead. TPLF, however, has made clear it would consider this an intolerable attack on its conception of the federal system. But while hunkered down in Tigray for now, TPLF has to re-engage nationally to lead the construction of the hard ethnic federalism pole in order to ensure its top priority: a strong, autonomous Tigray. Its experience, organization, and clarity of vision make it the only organization that can perform this task. For months Tigrayan websites have called for this decisive step.

A party leadership cannot effectively bargain without a clear stance backed by its membership.

It is probable that this reordering will stir plenty of ODP and ADP members to rally behind OLF or NaMA, and, for some Amhara, Ezema. This reordering will clarify new alliances and, more importantly, who is where on this evolving spectrum. Last but not least, by linking each party to an unequivocal political line, particularly ODP and ADP, this would homogenize them, and so make them more assertive and functional. This is a prerequisite for the effective national dialogue needed to overcome the impasse, as a party leadership cannot effectively bargain without a clear stance backed by its membership.

Buy local

The second scenario stems from the pervasive elitism of Ethiopian society. The upper classes are still convinced they are indispensable, as the only ones who could possibly lead the country. The people, willingly or coerced, must simply follow. This is true for this supposed democratic transition, as shown by the preoccupation with a so-called “grand elite bargain”.

But why should democratization be the exclusive preserve of the elite? Would it not be appropriate for it to also be driven from the grassroots? There is, after all, a strong tradition of capable local self-rule in Ethiopia.

Oromia has its well-known Gadaa system and in the old Ethiopia prior to the 1974 revolution, the basic administrative and social entity, the parish, was largely governed by a kind of strong “communal qualified democracy”. A tacit deal existed with the mengist and the people. As long as the latter paid taxes, maintained order through militia, and sustained imperial forces when they visited, they could rule themselves with minimal interference from higher authorities.

Why should democratization be the exclusive preserve of the elite?

They were sovereign on matters as important as how the tax burden was spread between different households, with the amount fixed by the district for the parish as a whole. The parish also managed land distribution and resolved disputes, because appealing to a judge was a last resort due to cost and risk. The parish even decided the land tenure system. For all these decisions, people were elected to various committees. The symbol of this sovereignty was the village assembly, usually held after the Sunday religious observance. The decisions were quasi-systematically taken by consensus.

The head of the parish, the lowest state official, was appointed from above. But he was commonly chosen from the “big men” of the parish, usually elders, either respected priests, or successful farmers. A researcher who studied a village at that time noted “a representative of the central power can govern only by building a legitimacy based on the creation of supporters through reciprocal obligation”. The appointed head of the parish had authority, but the power belonged to these big men. They had to compromise with each other.

That was the first limit condition of this “communal qualified democracy”. In addition, while any household head, male or female, was entitled to take the floor during the parish meeting, married women and most of the craftsmen were excluded. Patron-client relationships were the foundation of social stratification because the majority of the peasants needed to be helped. In the decision-making process, the latter had to support the positions of their patrons, yet a client dissatisfied with his patron could find another one. This is what made it a kind of qualified democracy.

This “communal citizenship” reached its peak in the few years after the 1974 downfall of Haile Selassie’s regime and before the Derg’s consolidation of power. The implementation of the fundamental land reform of 1975 was entrusted to the newly formed Peasant Associations, and they fulfilled their responsibilities successfully. But autonomy vanished when the Derg asserted control of the associations.

Total control and local elections

Arguably, the EPRDF intensified this process, producing the 1 to 5 apparatus for total control of the population. In 2008, it introduced the 300 candidates requirement for local elections, with the clear intention of making it virtually impossible for the opposition to compete. The thirst for communal power is strong with a key aim being to relax the EPRDF’s iron grip, and this is even more so among the young, who were at the forefront of the unrest. Currently, the party’s has largely faded: in numerous areas, local authorities are so delegitimized that they are authorities in name only.

The issue of local elections has been shoved to somewhere near the bottom of the political agenda. Yet one of the main gripes of the rural population is rightly that nothing tangible has changed ­– so this elite prioritization seems misplaced. From a technical point of view, local elections are easier to organize, and measures could be taken to reduce entry barriers for independent and opposition candidates. In addition, they may be less subject to violence, as they would be largely disconnected from the prevailing political partisanship, particularly at the kebele level: the voters will choose their representatives not primarily according to party loyalty, but more based on their social position and reputation in the community.

One of the main gripes of the rural population is rightly that nothing tangible has changed ­– so this elite prioritization seems misplaced.

Given the current deadlock, local elections would set the transition in motion and mark an important step forward. They would serve as a springboard for national elections, and be an important first tangible goal along the route to a new political settlement. The day-to-day life of ordinary people would change with the establishment of a local democratic space after it was neglected for more than four decades. New, more legitimate kebele leaders will improve security: purposeful leadership of hundreds of thousands of militia could tackle the petty crimes poisoning daily life. In addition, almost all agricultural development studies on Ethiopia highlight the need to “empower” farmers in order to boost their productivity.

Could these two proposals see the light of day? Well, that depends on the whole political class starting to assume its responsibilities, and acting in a far-sighted manner.

openDemocracy and Ethiopia Insight are pleased to be publishing the author’s pieces jointly.

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‘FETO terror group still active in Ethiopia’

Turkish ruling AK Party MP Mehmet Ali Cevheri calls for more active fight against FETO terror group in Ethiopia

The Fetullah Terrorist Organization (FETO), the group behind the 2016 defeated coup in Turkey, remains active in Ethiopia, Africa’s second-most populous country, warned a prominent Turkish ruling party lawmaker on Wednesday. 

“FETO [the Fetullah Terrorist Organization] is still active in Ethiopia,” said Mehmet Ali Cevheri after visiting the country with a group of NGOs, saying that it still runs schools there, as a source of revenue.

“After [FETO] schools in Pakistan were transferred to Turkey’s Maarif Foundation, the FETO members who fled the country settled in Ethiopia,” said Cevheri, a Justice and Development (AK) Party lawmaker from the southeastern Sanliurfa province.

Cevheri said Turkey should work more actively to fight the terror group in Ethiopia.

In December, Pakistan’s Supreme Court ordered the government to declare FETO a terror group and to ban its affiliated schools in the country.

The court also ordered the transfer of FETO’s “movable and immovable assets”, schools, colleges, education centers and other similar entities to Turkey’s Maarif Foundation, an association set up to take stewardship of the former terror group-run schools.

FETO has a considerable presence abroad, including private schools which serve as a revenue stream for the terror group.

Cevheri said that he also met with Islamic scholars in Ethiopia.

“They told me that they did not sleep during the 2016 defeated coup, and they prayed for Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan all night long,” said Cevheri.

He added: “They see Erdogan as a leader who can provide Islamic unity.”

FETO and its U.S.-based leader Fetullah Gulen orchestrated the defeated coup of July 15, 2016, which left 251 people martyred and nearly 2,200 injured.

Ankara also accuses FETO of being behind a long-running campaign to overthrow the state through the infiltration of Turkish institutions, particularly the military, police, and judiciary.

Read the full story here –  AA.COM.Tr

ECONOMIC ANALYSIS: ETHIOPIA’S DEVELOPMENTAL STATE: DEAD OR ALIVE?

In the heart of Addis Abeba, a lineup of new buildings planned to serve as the headquarters of three private banks is nearing completion. The area is already dubbed as “Addis Abeba’s Financial District

Belachew Mekuria, PhD, For Addis Standard 

Addis Abeba, May 29/2019  Ethiopia, a country of over 100 million people, the second most populous country in Africa and with a long history of statehood, serves as a stabilizing force in the sub-region. It is the regional capital hosting two wider continental institutions: the African Union and the UN-Economic Commission for Africa. It is in many senses a country that legitimately is a focus in any discussions related to the sub-region’s geopolitics. It has been under an imperial rule with some indications of constitutional monarchy, a socialist state under military dictatorship and a federal democratic republic, all within the span of the past half a century. Over the years, what has not changed is the state of poverty standing as a constant reminder to every government that more needs to be done in terms of ‘economic growth’, if not an all-round ‘development’.

The economic policy has also been in constant fluidity as the regimes change, except perhaps the land policy, which more or less continues to be used as an instrument of political coercion by the successive governments. ‘Developmentalism’ as an economic policy, where state activism in the economy is regarded as a must to bring structural economic transformation, has brought some concrete economic dividends (even in the face of brutal elite capture of resources for personal gains), making it one of the ten world’s fastest growing economies with a steady increase in per capita income which at the moment stands at $783 (which is 4% of the world’s average). This is more than 50% increase over the past 10 years. Life expectancy has also reached 65 years, which means an Ethiopian born in 2018 lives 15 years longer than an Ethiopian born in the turn of the century. GDP expanded from $30B to $80.56B in a span of the past eight years. Over the years, series of development policies have been formulated and implemented.

Therefore, developmental state with strictly censored political environment has delivered on the economic front. The government resisted all the pressures from the IMF and the WB for liberalization. The position on the part of the government has been to patiently wait for the right time, particularly in areas like banking, telecom and power. When it comes to the power sector for instance, the position has been instead of allowing profit-seeking private operators to come in and sell power for profit, the government sought to step up its efforts of encouraging manufacturing industries that engage in value adding activities for export using the highly subsidized power that is being supplied by the government. It has in consequence enabled the country incentivize and attract significant number of investments, largely Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). It hasn’t however helped in enabling the domestic private sector to grow in a manner that is aligned to the overall economic direction. Significant amount of local investments tended to focus on trade in finished goods and services and these in turn have for long been areas that do not require huge capital, but have greater returns and relatively shorter payback period. The tendency of domestic industries to focus on trading and services also undermined the development of skilled workforce with the capabilities to engage in industrial production. This is particularly true when one looks at the difference between Ethiopian workers’ relative efficiency managed by locals and those managed by foreigners on production floors.

The pathway towards industrial growth

The government has made good use of the late comers’ advantage even though it may not necessarily be regarded as pathway dependency. The policies and strategies have largely been drawn from extensive learning exercises, with particular focus on Asia. China played a huge role, though by no means was able to dictate directions and pathways. Structural economic transformation is accordingly regarded as the end game of eradicating extreme poverty, which continues to oppress a significant proportion of the country’s population. Industrialization through the growth of manufacturing is the pathway to change the structures of vulnerability to poverty. Two elements of this pathway relate to growth in manufacturing and private sector’s agency which initially to be led by the state.

Growth in Manufacturing

Until this day, manufacturing plays a marginal role in Ethiopia’s economy despite efforts to change the course. The service sector dominates the economy by contributing over 37% to the country’s GDP followed by agriculture which takes about 34%, industry 23% and a tiny contributor at 5.6% being manufacturing.  The overall impact of the service sector in alleviating the country’s problems of trade deficit, shortage of hard currency and rising cost of living is however minimal. Though the sector absorbs a significant number of work-force, unemployment which at the moment stands at 19.1%, remains yet another challenge.

Two main reasons make the manufacturing sector important from this perspective. First the sector, particularly light manufacturing, is able not only to hire larger number of workers, but it also improves technical capabilities in societies overall. Second, the agricultural sector’s inefficiency partly emerges from its handling of excessive number of work-force. And releasing some of this surplus labor is expected to improve efficiency and yield of both the farm and farmers. Growth in the manufacturing sector is therefore regarded as the driver for industrialization, job creation and even agricultural transformation.

Private sector focused, but state-led

The position that the State should be an active player in the economy is in a sense founded on the idea that at the initial stage, the enablers for effective private sector growth must be put in place quickly and at a larger scale. These relate to power, road and railway infrastructure, industrial park spaces etc. These are not only expensive, but usually have a longer payback periods and thus less attractive for the private sector. In cases where they enthuse private sector investment, that only comes at the risk of higher profit margins, in other words exorbitant pricing to be shouldered by users. That has been, whether right or wrong, the view of the government for its resolve to actively engage in substantial infrastructure projects and other less attractive sectors in the economy. That has also led to the growth of the national road network; power generation; development of power plants; and railway network. The economic dividends of such policy are specifically observed in the country’s investment competitiveness enabling it to attract sizable number of FDI in the productive sectors focusing on export even in those difficult days where successive state of emergency declarations were in force.

China and the ‘debt’ myth

China has played a key role in the country’s drive of building massive infrastructure involving as financier and through its giant State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), as contractor in a number of the projects. It is however blamed as putting Ethiopia and other African countries into a debt trap. While China’s economic dominance is becoming a force to reckon with, it has implicitly inspired a number of initiatives by the West to counter this growing dominance. Just to mention some of these initiatives the UK government’s Invest Africa program, the G20 Compact with Africa and its accompanying German government’s Special Initiative for job creation, and the US government’s BUILD Act (Better Utilization of Investments Leading to Development) recently enacted by Congress. All these initiatives approach the growth paradigm in the best way they know, and all have one thing in common: capitalizing the agency of the private sector. What they aim at is supporting reform initiatives in Africa and elsewhere in a manner that facilitate the crowding in of private investment through innovative financing instruments that embrace grants, loans, equity investments and other de-risking mechanisms. China however continues to prove itself as stronger and long-term partner in financing large infrastructure projects initiated by governments with developmental vision, though by no means invariably without any problems. For cautious borrower like Ethiopia however, its benefits outweigh any of the negative pictures that its competitors would like to paint against. With the new administration’s recent success in getting substantial concessions on its debts structures, Ethiopia remains in a good stand partnering with this global power.

Furthermore, public debt, so long as the money is strictly deployed for intended infrastructure and other legitimate purposes with long term developmental impact, should not be cause for alarm. Ethiopia’s public debt to GDP is about 33% while that of Japan’s, a country with the highest public debt in the world, is over 200% of its GDP. Similarly, that of China’s stands at 47% and the US 105%. What sets Ethiopia far apart from those rich countries is however, among other things, is the currency by which we borrow which is not, unlike those countries, our own currency. That would decidedly mean that the shock effect the debt has on their economies is minimal, if not nothing, considering they borrow in their own respective currencies. Under African standard, Ethiopia is ranked as the 35th in terms of debt public debt burden, meaning less burdened than countries like Rwanda, Uganda, Tanzania, Kenya and other 31 countries.  

Hurdles along the way

The structural economic transformation is still a distant dream and the paucity of infrastructure, particularly energy will continue to undermine all efforts on industrialization. Among the plethora of constraints, an attempt is made to point out to some that directly relate to industrialization and the growth in manufacturing.

1 – Industrial workforce development

With 100 million plus population and with 18 years as the median age Ethiopia has the largest workforce that however require skills upgrading to become fit for industrial level production. Though education coverage is growing every year, it lacks the desperately needed linkage with industries and industrial culture. In a chicken and egg type of scenario, lack of industries is blamed for absence of industrial culture in the characters of the graduates, but the reverse could also be true. This is therefore one of the critical challenges that investors (home grown and foreign origin) experience and the claim that labor is ‘cheap’ becomes a myth because of the humongous expenditure that industrialists have to make to bring their workers (graduates and non-graduates alike) up to the required level of productivity. One should also add the notorious problems of absenteeism, tardiness and turnover that companies experience, almost all of which are attributable to lack of industrial culture.

2 – Lack of organic growth of the industries

The country’s attempt to encourage home-grown, locally owned industries in the manufacturing sector hasn’t materialised and for some, this even hasn’t started. Unlike many other countries’ experience of imposing a mandatory local content requirement on FDI, Ethiopia chose a different path, failing to exploit the learning possibility of locals by partnering with FDI. We rather follow a strategy of segregating areas of investment permitted for FDI and those ring-fenced for domestic investors. Legally enforced joint venture arrangements (through local content requirement) would however have provided a better opportunity for strengthening local manufacturing capabilities, if not organic growth of industries.

In the longest history of handwork and craftsmanship, there have also been trends that rather discouraged any form of skilful work, at times even trade. Agriculture appeared to be the noblest. For instance, the blacksmiths were regarded as having the spell of the evil eye (ቡዳ); those who do handwoven traditional garment were given various derogatory names like thread cutters (ቁጢት በጣሽ); the same for traders (መጫኛ ነካሽ). These forms of naming were felt so forcefully that it was claimed one of the early aspirants of modernity for Ethiopia, Emperor Menelik II, issued a stern warning legislation against anyone who gives derogatory names to ‘his hardworking people’ and advising to exercise restraint, otherwise it would be a cause for serious punishment. Though I haven’t come across a survey, one may also find truth in this if an analysis is made on preferences of academic fields in our early educational development. Management, law and other social science fields attracted more students than the technical ones. It is within this context that the 70%/30% ratio of natural science (engineering and others) to social science has been adopted, with a view to have more graduates that ‘make money and less of those that count it.’

Access to finance, complicated procedures for start-up businesses particularly the SMEs, lack of local inputs/heavy reliance on imported inputs which in turn is constrained by lack of foreign currency all have conspired to undermine the active engagement of domestic industrialists in the manufacturing activities.

3 – Trade logistics

Logistics is the key element that facilitate productive investment as inputs will have to be imported and products exported under the tight lead-time requirement of international and local market. Under the two drivers of logistics efficiency (cost and lead time), Ethiopia scores very low. The State monopoly on transnational movement of goods has partly contributed for some of the avoidable efficiency related challenges. However, lack of access to major international water bodies for relatively cheaper and reliable means of transport is one singular cause of trade logistics inefficiency the country experienced over the years. Ethiopian Airlines as government owned flag carrier has done remarkable job in facilitating cross border movement of goods and people. However, it may not come as a comparable alternative to sea transport, particularly in terms of cost efficiency. Other relatively easier constraints of our own making relate to cumbersome/unnecessary documentation requirements, lack of simplified and harmonized trade logistics procedures and failure to integrate the risk management systems. These are, as has repeatedly been indicated by many studies, easily avoidable and if addressed, profoundly improve trade logistics efficiency. A number of initiatives are underway which no doubt will cut both the cost and lead time by significant proportion once put into effect.

4 – Trade deficit

Excessive imports for the purposes of the mega projects together with higher reliance on imported commodities for local consumption (particularly due to the construction boom) has taken the country on a free-ride to excessive deficits in trade. Export is low both in volume and value. The country for instance doesn’t still have champion product and its hopes are hinged on improved yield in agriculture. Though sesame and coffee are the best candidates, the latter is affected by higher domestic consumption compared to export and when it comes to sesame our inability to capture some of the values within Ethiopia through some level of processing makes the earnings from exporting the raw product very minimal. Therefore, working on factors lying at the intersection of agricultural productivity and industrial processing would be critical to change course and correct the overall negative balance of trade. This needs to be done by focusing on particular champion product with traceability, collective effort to promote the product at global level with technologically supported branding and by doing some value adding processes locally along the value chain.    

What of developmental state as most knew it?

At a fundamental level the challenges highlighted above have for long constrained the country’s efforts to achieve structural economic transformation through the instrumentality of developmental state policy. However, what is being envisioned requires consistency, continuity and determination at all levels which at the moment appear to be experiencing some level of a shock in transition. The country stands at cross roads tangled by tough choices to be made to either part ways with the past approach of developmental state or build on it, by picking the key success factors, and making adjustments in a manner that helps the new administration to meet the youth’s high expectations to which the transition owes a great deal. Full and/or partial privatization of some of the SoEs must be done without forfeiting developmentalism. The state, both as regulator and, in some instances, as an active player in developmental projects is still needed with some adjustment on the highly centrist approach that for long and unhelpfully side-lined the regional governments. China’s experience with respect of putting its Provinces at front and center of economic and social policy making/implementation in a manner that is suited to their circumstances should offer us a very useful lesson. AS